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Democracy and Peace 

The Position of the United States 
after the War 



An Address by 

ROBERT B. TUNSTALL, Esq. 

OF NORFOLK, VA. 



and 



The Call of the Republic 

A Poem by 

COL. JENNINGS CROPPER WISE 

Read by their Authors at the Joint Meeting of the 

Virginia Societies 

Sons of the Revolution 

and 

Sons of the American Revolution 

Held at the 

WESTMORELAND CLUB 

Richmond, Virginia 
February 22, 1917 






By Transfer 

APR 6 1917 



Democracy and Peace 

The Position of the United States 
After the War 



The President's Peace Address 

One month ago to-day, the President of the United States, 
in an address animated by altruism and informed by idealism, 
formulated to the Senate, his fellow-counsellors in the conduct of 
our foreign affairs, his conceptions of such a League for Peace 
as this nation, having regard to its national policy and traditions, 
might enter after the war. 

Briefly stated, those conceptions included (a) government by 
the consent of the governed, which, from the context, seemed to 
relate rather to the preservation of the principle of nationality 
than to the matter of forms of government; (b) the possession, 
by each nation, of an outlet to the sea; (c) the freedom of the 
seas; and (d) a limitation of armaments. 

Enthusiasm for the President's Ideals 

Remarkable, if not unique, was the spirit in which this ad- 
dress was conceived and delivered. Coming from one chosen, 
in the fine phrase of John Quincy Adams, "by the people's 
unbought grace to rule his native land," it arrested universal 
attention, and, except for one expression to which I shall presently 
advert, the sentiments it expressed received admiring tribute from 
all parts of the world. 

But Hesitation as to His Recommendation 

The concrete recommendation made, however, was not so 
generally accepted. It was the view of many that not even at 
the close of the great world-drama now being enacted, should this 
government depart from its policy of non-concern with European 
aft'airs — a policy pretty steadily adhered to, as the parts we 
played at the Congress of Berlin and the Algeciras conference 



were minor ones, and the Hague conferences dealt with general 
rules of law, rather than special questions of specific nations. 
The diversity of opinion was marked. One ex-President of the 
United States favors whole-heartedly a league to enforce peace ; 
another opposes it with equal industry and greater fervor. One 
of the strongest opponents of the plan is the former Secretary 
of War, Hon. Lindley AI. Garrison, whose judgment commands 
the high respect of thoughtful Americans. 

From this conflict of opinion there have emerged, broadly 
speaking, two widely different views as to the proper course 
of the United States — one held by those who favor our participa- 
tion in whatever plan may be adopted, and the other by those who 
oppose it. As to what the plan shall be, there is infinite variety 
of suggestion ; and it cannot be denied that much depends upon 
the plan. But time forbids my discussing details. 

The Subject Proposed: the United States and a League 

FOR Peace 

It is rather of the main question — whether, assuming an 
adequate plan, we should under any circumstances enter into 
it — that I propose to speak to-night, and to suggest a solution ; 
not without, 1 trust, an adequate realization of the seeming pre- 
sumption involved in my doing so. But free speech has ever been 
the American way, and if there be one fact that shines forth from 
our history, it is that not by decrees of rulers, however wise, nor 
at the dictation of leaders, however patriotic, but as the sum of the 
thought of the whole country, there come those decisions whereby 
our national i)olity takes shape and form. It must accordingly 
be no less a duty than a privilege for any American to express him- 
self as to those matters on which he has taken thought, in the 
hope that he may make a contribution, however slight, to his 
country's weal, and with the comfort of the reflection that, the 
more humble his position, the less hurtful will be his error, if 
error he commit. 

Washington's Farewell Address 

I have chosen this subject to-night because it seems to me 
appropriate to the occasion. We celebrate here the birth of 
George Washington to-day in the Capitol at Washington, following 

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a custom inaugurated in wisdom, sanctioned by usage, and com- 
mended by experience, there has been read his poHtical last will and 
testament, whereby he bequeathed to the country, in an address that 
has become a political dogma, the accumulated experience of a life 
richer in enduringly constructive experience than any inscribed 
upon the history of his country — I think I might say of the 
world. And it is especially because of the Farewell Address 
that I think my subject appropriate; for there can be no doubt 
that the traditional aloofness of our government frorii foreign 
alliances and entanglements had its genesis in that great docu- 
ment. Its pronouncements and its recommendations are clear 
and explicit. The special pleader, it is true, might find vent for 
his peculiar capacity, by seeking, in captious and meticulous 
fashion, to explain away its doctrines and to narrow its scope. 
He might, for example, point out that Washington condemned 
our implicating ourselves "in the ordinary vicissitudes of her 
(Europe's) politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions 
of her friendships and enmities;" endeavoring thus to establish 
the proposition that the great speaker did not have in mind such 
an extraordinary cataclysm as that which confronts the world 
to-day. 

Such an attempt seems to me to be unworthy. National deci- 
sions cannot be based on hair-splitting, nor national policies on 
verbal niceties. The call is for statesmanship, not dialectics. 

The World in Washington's Time 

But it is our duty and our privilege to compare the conditions 
in Washington's time and now, as stated in the address itself 
and as revealed in history. We should not overlook the fact, 
for instance, that in the address it is said : 

"Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, 
or a very remote relation." 

This could hardly be said with equal truth to-day. But of far 
greater weight is the changed state of the world since Washing- 
ton knew it, and upon this I would briefly touch. 

One hundred and eighty-five teeming years have passed since 
W'ashington was born. The period is a short one in the life 
of the world, but it may be doubted whether there is to be found 



in history one more full of fundamental change. Of the great 
world-empires of to-day, scarce one had then experienced its 
effective beginnings. England had not yet wrested from France 
unquestioned supremacy in India, in Canada, and in the western 
outposts of those American colonies which she was so shortly 
to lose by the abandonment of the principles which theretofore 
had been her strength and afterwards were to constitute her 
glory. Frederick the Great, perhaps the most commanding figure 
of eighteenth century Europe, had not yet ascended the throne 
from which, carrying forward the process begun by his grand- 
father, he was so to establish the hegemony of Prussia as to 
furnish the beginnings of modern Germany. Catherine of Russia 
had not yet come with masterful intellect and dominant per- 
sonality to extend and cement the vast, loose-knit empire whose 
assimilation with European culture had begun with Peter the 
Great. France, not yet recovered from the blighting influence 
of Louis XIV, was yet to experience the successive stages of lust 
of blood and lust of glory through which she was to pass in the 
Terror and under Napoleon. Poland was still a great power. 
The colonial empire of Spain remained, but attached to a power 
whose European importance was dwindling. The great empires of 
the East were closed, and substantially unknown. Africa meant 
much what it did in the days of the Caesars, save as a reservoir 
for the slave-supply. Australia was undiscovered. Meantime, 
within the known parts of the world, princes and potentates 
continued the processes of intrigue and chicancery, conspiracy 
and conquest. Nationality, as a principle of national organization, 
if recognized at all, was flouted. And why not? The consent 
of the governed was not yet a phrase, much less a fact. The 
divine right of kings was accepted in practice, if not in theory ; 
and transfers of jurisdiction occurred in lofty disregard of the 
human content of the territory affected. 

Growth of the Democratic Spirit 

But, within the lifetime of him we honor to-night, a change 
began to come. In the speculations of philosophers, in the rhap- 
sodies of poets, the aspirations of the lovers of liberty were 
heard ; but the realization of these dreams came first within those 
colonies which were to form the United States of America. It 



does not fall within my present purpose to trace the growth of 
the spirit of liberty amongst our own people, nor yet to enumerate 
the series of wrongs which evoked their latent energies; but, 
remembering in whose presence I speak, I may give voice to the 
prayer that so long as this republic shall endure there may flourish 
organizations designed to hold in grateful remembrance the 
deeds of those who made us free. 

From this summary, inadequate though it be, it is clear that 
the world into which Washington was born was still a world 
of monarchy, of princely ambitions uncontrolled; a world that 
sedulously followed the principle 

"That they should take who have the power. 
And they should keep who can." 

And, for the most jjart, this was the world in which he died. 
The only great power then in existence with a republican form of 
government was France, and that was a France hardly recovered 
from the Terror. 

Past Policies and Present Problems — Democracy the 
Basis and Test of Both 

My thesis to-night is that these considerations lead to two 
conclusions : First, they establish the proposition that the inter- 
dictions of the Farewell Address do not of necessity forbid 
our active participation in the settlement of the peace of the 
world ; and. secondly, they supply a test, additional and supple- 
mental to those stated by the President, upon which, and only 
upon which our participation should be conditioned. 

As One of the Oldest Governments in the World. We 
Should Speak With Authority 

Of the importance of our participation, whether from our 
standpoint or from that of the rest of the world, there can be 
no doubt. For when we speak, it will be through our government ; 
and it at least should be accorded the respect due to age. Have 
you ever realized, my friends, that while this country of ours is 
a relative new-comer into the family of nations, our govern- 



ment is one of the oldest now in the world? For one hundred 
and thirty years, without structural change or essential alteration, 
it has served our people. What other government can boast an 
equal record? England, perhaps, and yet, with true English 
empiricism, by parliamentary reform and other changes, they 
have gone far from the days of George III. France has changed 
again and again ; Germany, as we know it, has existed scarce half 
a century ; Italy furnishes another example of a recently fused 
nationality ; Russia has adopted a popular assembly ; Austria is 
a recent consolidation under a recently devised government ; most 
of the smaller nations of Europe are of recent organization so 
far as concerns their governmental systems. The Orient has been 
transformed since its contact with the Occident. South America 
and the British dominions beyond the seas are organized upon 
lines borrowed from our own. Nowhere, save, perhaps, in Eng- 
land, is there a great power, in but few instances a small power, 
which for one and a third centuries has lived, and grown, and 
expanded under the same form of government. It was one of the 
half-truths that are dangerous that led Pope to his oft-quoted 
aphorism : 

"O'er forms of government let fools contest ; 
Whate'er is best administered is best." 

So, I repeat, when the United States shall speak, it will be with 
the voice of authority. It may come as a comparative new- 
comer to the council-table ; but it will be a new-comer who is not a 
novice ; confident, yet not flushed with a success recently won ; 
serene in consciousness of strength; proud with the pride whose 
sanction is justice and whose basis is power ; calm in its judgment ; 
and, 1 trust, certain in its aims. 

Peace the First Condition of Settlement 

It is clear to all that before the time of settlement can come, 
certain conditions must be fulfilled. And, first, we must have 
peace, and a righteous peace. Let us not echo the cry of those 
timid souls, who, in this good city of ours — may I not, as a 
Virginian, indulge the possessive? — were silenced by Patrick 
Henry, when they cried "])eace, peace," when there was no peace. 



There must first be peace, but before it can rear its shining fabric 
high in air, fit not only to receive the Hght of Heaven but to 
withstand the shock of the elements, it must have its foundations 
sure. It must be the peace that follows compensation, not com- 
promise ; restoration, not the retention of stolen goods ; the 
vindication of rights, not the perpetuation of wrongs. It must 
be the peace that is based on principle, not expediency. It must 
be the peace of righteousness and of justice; yea, remembering 
that it was the Prince of Peace who said that He did not come 
to bring peace on earth, but a sword, we may say in all reverence 
that it must be the peace of God, not man. 

But Not a "Peace Without Victory" 

And in order to ensure these ends, it must be the peace that 
follows victory. With all loyal Americans, in the crisis in which 
now we stand, I am with the President. I follow whither he 
leads. My country's acts, speaking through its responsible ad- 
ministrations, shall determine my course. But my beliefs, my con- 
victions, my morality are my own ; and alike, with insistent com- 
pulsion, they lead me to reject the ideal of a dog- fall as the issue 
of this conflict of ideals. Are there no questions of eternal right 
and eternal wrong involved in this war? Can we, a democracy 
of democracies, regard with indifference the event of a struggle 
which shall determine whether the State was made for man, or 
man for the State ? Can we, whose fathers lived and died in 
defence of individual liberty, view with serene unconcern a con- 
flict in which that liberty stands ranged against the conception 
that the individual is as nothing, a mere part of a machine, to be 
used, worn out, and thrown away ? Shall murder go unscourged 
or broken faith be unavenged? 

Aliouando Bonus Dormitat Homerus 

I have sometimes wondered how that lonely man in the White 
House, to whom our hearts go out in this time of his responsi- 
bility and stress, has felt concerning these things during the past 
month. I have wondered whether, when the answer to his mes- 
sage of peace came in a form that required the severance of our 
relations with the German government, he was not tempted to 



echo the despairing words of the vision of Isaiah : "I looked for 
judgment, but behold oppression ; for righteousness, but behold 
a cry." And I venture the prophecy that not only the historian 
of the future, but Woodrow Wilson the historian, will regard 
the phrase of "peace without victory" as having been "sicklied 
o'er with the pale cast of thought," and will rather recall the day 
and hour when with unfaltering voice he registered his answer to 
the outraged dignity of his people, and I trust that other day 
when he shall proclaim that our military and naval forces shall 
"be a safeguard for the United States of America, and a security 
for such as pass on the seas upon their lawful occasions." 

Victory Determines the Course of the World 

It is by victory, and victory alone, that there have come those 
great decisions that have shaped the course of history. It was 
as the result of victory that Greece was freed from the Persian 
peril and enabled to make her eternal impress on the art of the 
world. It was by victory that Rome, not Carthage, became the 
great power of ancient history from which have sprung language 
and law for much of the world to-day, and it was as the result of 
repeated victories that the Pax Romana came to the world. It 
was by victory, crushing and decisive, that French soil was cleared 
of the Moors, and no less by victory, though after struggles 
extending through the centuries, that a like result was achieved 
by Spain. It was the victory of Hastings from which began the 
England of to-day, the victory over the Spanish Armada that 
established her dominion of the seas, victory at Waterloo that 
placed her at the head of the European powers, and victory in 
South Africa that has afforded, in this time of peril, proof of 
genius in colonial administration that is the wonder and envy of 
the world. 

Surely least of all can we on this side of the Atlantic point 
to peace without victory as an end to be achieved. Upon the 
Heights of Abraham there stands a monument with the most 
pregnant inscription I^ have ever seen. It is in four simple 
words: "Here died Wolfe. Victorious." Was the peace that in 
Canada for a century and a half has united two distinct 
nationalities, elsewhere frequently at war, a peace without victory ? 

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Will it be suggested that the century old peace inaugurated by 
the Treaty of Ghent has been a peace without victory? The sug- 
gestion is superficial. That peace was won at Saratoga and at 
Yorktown — victories both, which forever told the British people 
that their empire should stop short of these shores. And, finally, 
my friends, speaking as a Virginian to Virginians, as a South- 
erner to Southerners, and — may I not proudly say in this pres- 
ence and on this occasion? — as an American to Americans, I 
may venture to point out that never was victory more complete, 
nor peace more enduring, than the victory and the peace whereby 
for fifty years this country of ours has remained close-knit in 
brotherly afifection, to endure, in the providence of God, through 
the ages yet to come. 

Victory, Not Triumph, the Foundation of a 
Righteous Peace 

Is there aught that is repulsive in the idea of victory? Of 
conquest, yes ; of triumph, perhaps ; but of victory, no. Conquest 
and triumph pander to the lowest in human nature ; victory reflects 
the highest. Victory is a thing of the spirit. A recent novel by 
Joseph Conrad ends with the death of the principal characters, 
but he rightly named it "Victory," for victory was theirs. The 
most crashing note of victory that sounds in the inspired Word 
of God is in the passage that deals with the transition from life 
to death. The victory we require is the victory of an idea and 
of an ideal ; and if that victory can lae achieved only through 
sweat and blood and tears, still it must come. 'There is no dis- 
charge in this war.' 

Its Structure, Democracy 

I have emphasized this point, for it seems to me to con- 
stitute the very foundation of a righteous peace that it shall be 
based on victory. With this foundation, what shall be the struc- 
ture? I answer. Democracy. 

The Tests of Democracy 

Let me indulge in definition. By democracy I do not of 
necessity mean a republican form of government, though I be- 
lieve with all the intensity of my soul that such a government 



is the best yet evolved for man. But I would seek the substance, 
and avoid questions of form. Does the government register the 
will of the people, or the will of the ruler? Are men equal before 
the law? Is there a caste of privilege and of unearned power? 
Are there preserved the rights of petition and assembly, of free 
speech and a free press, of religious liberty and a franchise uncon- 
strained? But I need not repeat to Virginians George Mason's 
Bill of Rights. I look for no Utopia. I cherish no fancy that 
men are or will ever be equal in wealth, social position, inherited 
or accidental opportunity. Those who conscientiously advocate 
Socialism would doubtless admit that to bring these things to 
pass there would be required a state so powerful that in com- 
parison the tyrants of this world would be as pygmies. They 
would regard it as a beneficent tyranny; I regard no tyranny as 
beneficent. Democracy means the rule of the people, people as 
they are, of differing aptitudes and capacities, not the rule of the 
State as a distinct entity ; and I am for Democracy. 

And Its Tendencies 

I have spoken of the tests of Democracy ; what are its ten- 
dencies towards peace? We may say that, like charity, it "suf- 
fereth long and is kind." We have seen abuse and ridicule heaped 
upon the head of our President for his long-suffering under pro- 
vocation, but he was following sound American precedent. The 
Stamp Act was passed t^n years before the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence ; the Boston massacre occurred six years before it ; the 
"Boston Tea Party" two and a half years before; and when after 
the battle of Bunker Hill and a full year before the Declaration, 
George Washington went to- Massachusetts bearing the com- 
mission of the Continental Congress as commander-in-chief, 
neither he nor Jefferson realized that separation was to follow 
resistance. The grievances which led up to the war of 1812 were 
of a character not only annoying, but insulting to our self- 
respect ; but they continued for many years before they led to 
war. The Civil War had certainly among its origins the non- 
action of the Convention of 1787 on the vexed question of seces- 
sion — a notable example, incidentally, in political affairs, of a 
"])eace without victory." Some may feel that the precedents have 
been followed too faith fullv in the case of our somewhat dif- 



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ficult neighbor to the South ; but no thoughtful person can deny 
that the good or evil of that policy, according to the point of view, 
is the result of the essential nature of our government. For my 
own part, I think this long-suffering quality is one of the weak- 
nesses of a Democracy ; but it is a weakness that at least offers 
no menace to peace. 

Non-Aggressiveness 

Whether or not, however, we sympathize with this quality of 
democracy, it has a corollary which all can applaud. True 
democracies do not wage offensive wars. And this is the meat and 
kernel of what I am trying to say to you to-night. 

Is it not true, is it not convincingly true, that the history of 
aggression is the history of autocracy? Of course, there are 
exceptions. But the exceptions are very few, fewer, I venture to 
assert, than to almost any other of the great principles that 
have been developed in the world's history. The chief, of course, 
is that of the Roman Republic ; but the Roman Republic was a 
different thing from the constitutional governments of to-day. 
The so-called republic under Bonaparte, before reality was recog- 
nized under Napoleon I, is merely an apparent exception — that 
was in eft'ect a dictatorship. I pass by, too, the cases of the city 
republics of medi?eval times — Venice, for example, which with 
some forms of democracy, was a combination of oligarchy and 
one of the most exclusive aristocracies in the world's history — 
and I likewise lay on one side the earlier history of the South 
American republics, which were hardly true democracies. But 
can we point to a real exception, in an event of historic magni- 
tude, in the range of modern history? The history of democracies 
has been a history of sturdy resistance to oppression, of resolute 
maintenance of rights, and of non-aggression. Was there ever 
a surrender and a sacrifice greater and finer than that whereby 
we redeemed our word to the Cuban people? Was it not one of 
those acts whereby, rather than by any words of sanctimonious 
promise, idealism is infused into the life of the world? 

Democracy Points the Way 

It seems to me that the fact just pointed out furnishes the basis, 
and the only basis, for world peace, and the basis, and the only 

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basis, whereby we can remain true to our principles and bear our 
part in promoting it. To cure a disease we first seek the source. 
To rid the world of war we must seek the source of war. Peace 
congresses and conventions, arbitration agreements and treaties, 
leagues to secure peace and to enforce peace, world-courts and 
peace palaces — all will alike prove ineffective and idle until the 
day shall come when government of the people, by the people, for 
the people shall have become dominant upon the earth. 

Is This A Vain Ideal? 

Is this unpractical and visionary ? I think not. I think, on 
the contrary, that any other basis is unpractical and visionary. I 
said that democracy must be "dominant," you remember ; not 
"universal." It has reached that stage to-day. But few of the 
great powers of the world remain the playthings of princes ; and 
we trust that the day of their chastening is at hand. The process 
must be left to them. The physician is impotent to cure when the 
patient wishes to die. The would-be suicide usually succeeds in 
the long run. But pressure, influence, moral suasion may, yes, 
and must be used. As no individual is strong enough to flout a 
community, so not for long can any nation, however shining its 
armor or mailed its fist, however arrayed in the panoply of 
military power, afifront the aggregated judgment of the world. 

A Formula for a League for Peace 

So it seems to me our course is plain. Let us say to the 
world : 

"We will enter a league for peace, upon the terms laid down 
by the President, or such others as may be determined upon ; 
but we will choose our companions. We will enter a league to 
which shall be admitted only those nations which the people rule. 
We shall not determine for others their internal systems of ad- 
ministration, but we say that until those systems meet with our 
general approval, we will have no league with them. We stand 
for a principle, and we will, in establishing relations with others, 
insist upon its fulfilment. Granted a government of and by and 
for the people, the form is a matter of indifiference to us. There 
may be j^ersons called kings and persons called noble and persons 

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called subjects ; they may be decked out in brave colors and at- 
tended in pomp ; but the covenant we make is one of our people 
with the peoples of the earth, and the parties to that covenant 
must be equal." 

Most of the nations of the world, great and small, could enter 
that compact to-day. How would it fare with those without its 
terms? Would not the tendency be to seek admission? Would 
not the mere fact of exclusion be a mighty influence for the 
growth of democracy within them? And would not that spectacle 
of aggregated might, resting by its definition on the only founda- 
tion that can be called secure, be a sufficient deterrent for any who, 
in blindness of passion or in madness of perversity, might seek 
to assail its power. 

We Come Back to Washington 

I cannot believe that the supreme man we honor to-night 
would have aught of condemnation for such a plan. I cannot 
believe that the principles of the Farewell Address would suffer 
any shock from such an alliance. But I cannot doubt that his 
spirit would shrink from any partnership of this nation with 
princes and potentates unchecked of their peoples. Let us carry 
forward the work which he began. Let us remain true to our- 
selves and to our principles. Let us reject peace nostrums con- 
ceived in opportunism and formulated in despair ; and, with the 
courage and insistency displayed by those from whom we are 
sprung, let us proclaim that not by scraps of paper nor the gear 
of war, but only through the ultimate rule of those whom God has 
made in His own image, shall be assured the reign of peace upon 
the earth. 



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The Call of the Republic 

By Col. Jennings C. Wise 

Awake, freemen — awake ! 

If not for self, for country's sake 

Let your unclouded eyes 

Penetrate the specious guise 

Of that false schism 

Adroitly styled Pacificism. 

Know ye the truth — 

The iron of the rudest State 

Can still decide the fate 

Of any realm 

That casts aside its mail and helm. 

While ruled the world by Mars 

And his perpetual wars. 

No race may long secure release 

From strife, nor purchase peace. 

Awake, freemen — awake ! 

Let not these shallow pratings shake 

Your faith in steel, or dull 

Your sight with hope, or lull 

You into fatuous dreams. 

Still on earth is might 

The final arbiter of right. 

When all about are sown the dragon's teeth, 

Why twine ye now the olive wreath? 



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Av/ake, freemen — awake ! 

Your own security ye must make ; 

Nor hope to ransom health 

With that unequaled wealth 

Ye have amassed, 

Unless your gold is cast 

In finely tempered arms, 

And your youthful brawn 

Is universally drawn 

Upon to wield them in the strife 

Of international life. 

Awake, freemen — awake ! 

Fear not upon yourselves to take 

The burden of the State's defense 

In freedom find the recompense 

For manhood's sacrifice. 

Let every citizen a warrior be, 

And every soldier, free 

When trained, remain a citizen : 

Give no man choice to shirk 

The nation's sternest work. 

The unvarying price 

Of peace is blood and toil : 

In these for flag and home and soil 

Prepare the race to pay — 

As in the past — again to-day ! 



Awake, freemen — awake ! 

With peace at stake 

And liberty, will ye slumber 

On forever, unconscious under 

This spell of lies and sloth? 

Go forth 

Like men. Abandon sordid ease ! 

Gird on the sword, and seize 

Each in his hand a spear. 

Be every citizen a volunteer 

At heart. 

Do each his part. 

Awake, freemen — awake ! 

The world's foundations quake ! 

When all is lost 

Too late to count the cost, 

Or then appease 

The insatiate maw 

Of war. 

'Tis now the Republic calls 

In time of peace for strong-armed men. 

The need is great — no false alarms 

Are these. 

Ye are but servile thralls 

Of ease 

Who fail to answer when 

The nation's trumpet sounds to arms ! 



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